First of all "look" is colloquial for holistically be: "what does a democracy look like - it looks much different from DPRK". Second i have news for you: to first approximation on a global scale the easiest way to find someone that thinks differently from you is to find someone that looks different from you. Now sure if I bias my sample (picking people that look different from me but live in the bay area) then that's worthless and I need to investigate second order effects. Third i think there's something perverse about taking that line and trying to twist it to substantiate an argument for why we /shouldn't/ hire more black people (for example)
The idea that there are black people in the first place is a racist one. There is humanity, there are individuals and there are classes, anything else are fever dreams of centuries past.
To try and fix original sin by making it into original virtue ends up in a new apartheid.
There are no black people, there are no white people. Anyone who calls themselves a leftist should be pushing this line as hard as possible.
If race matters always why aren't we talking about the Saxons and the Normans of England. Two races which were segregated by law, with each village of Saxons having group guilt if any Norman was killed on their land.
Race is a construct of the capitalists to divide the working class. That the American 'left' is the most enthusiastic promoter of race today just show what a wonderful return on investment the bourgeoisie got from privatizing the universities and then funding the research in social sciences that benefits them most: cultural, sexual and racial theory/criticism.
Or as Marx put it:
All industrial and commercial centres in England now have a working class divided into two
hostile camps, English proletarians and Irish proletarians. The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who forces down the standard of life. In relation to the Irish worker, he feels himself to be a member of the ruling nation and, therefore, makes himself a tool of his aristocrats and capitalists against Ireland, thus strengthening their domination over himself.
He harbours religious, social and national prejudices against him. His attitude towards him is roughly that of the poor whites to the niggers in the former slave states of the American Union.
The Irishman pays him back with interest in his own money. He sees in the English worker both the accomplice and the stupid tool of English rule in Ireland.
This antagonism is kept artificially alive and intensified by the press, the pulpit, the comic papers, in short by all the means at the disposal of the ruling class. This antagonism is the secret of the English working class’s impotence, despite its organisation. It is the secret of the
maintenance of power by the capitalist class. And the latter is fully aware of this.
